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Chapter One:
What is Globalisation?
Post-Industrial Frontiers
Boom Town
Flâneurie
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ii. Post-Industrial Frontiers

The suburb of Fitzroy may not be one of the most significant nodes in the globalised world but in a similar way to other inner city districts of Melbourne and elsewhere it does have significant symbolic engagements with the world. Because it is Melbourne’s oldest suburb (and thus richly historically layered) and because of its recent history as a working class industrial suburb (this in particular) means that Fitzroy has small histories that do resonate in some of the mainstay globalisation debates.

 Fitzroy is one miniature stage within a networked global theatre. And the play is perchance a reflection upon the theatre itself.

 

 Globalisation discourse dances around the totems of immigration, corporatisation, gentrification (through the new middle-class), the environment, global civil society and the broader concerns of the post-industrialisation of the major Western economies. Corporations are understood as the great pariah in the globalisation debate and post-industrialisation produces a throng of knowledge workers who cram the cafes of the gentrified inner cities. [1]

 

Post-Industrialism has emerged in the past three decades and is understood as a decline of labour-intensive manufacturing operations that has altered the workforce demography and re-shaped communities, families and individuals everywhere.[2] Popularly it is branded the ‘information economy’ or even the ‘new economy’ and is typified by a prevailing service sector and an expansion of industries that employ most citizens in knowledge production and consumption.

 

New production efficiencies, automation and the shift of manufacturing to low-wage developing economies have caused a massive decline in employment in the manufacturing sector (as a percentage of the workforce).[3] Typical post-industrial industries include Insurance, Banking, Education, Entertainment, Advertising, Media, Tourism, Telecommunications and of course, Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs). The industries that make up ICT are actually only a small part of the broader service economy but often triumphantly wave the flag of the ‘new economy’.[4]

 

 Fitzroy suggests a post-industrial landscape partly because (quite visibly) nearly all the manufacturing industries in the district have disappeared. The local labour intensive textile industries have been replaced by a strip of factory outlets that sell clothes manufactured in China and Indonesia. The warehouses where confectionary and garments used to be made are now the apartments of the new middle classes.[5] For many of Fitzroy’s newest residents, Fitzroy is arguably a brand name with a purchasable lifestyle; for many of its older residents, it has developed into an expensive and less interesting place to live.

 

Although only a small suburb in both population and geographical size, Fitzroy is arguably one of Melbourne’s more culturally and economically eclectic urban settings. This is partly because of a large housing estate that services the need of many lower income, new migrant groups; and partly because like many other inner city areas in the Western-world, it has become a property investment and lifestyle haven for the new-middle classes.[6]

 

Fitzroy has roots dating back to the Nineteenth Century Victorian era. Many of the double-storey houses in the area reflect the confident facades of the Victorian middle class but the utilitarian conformity of the single-storey workers’ cottages reflect a much more subservient social role. Some of Fitzroy’s residents still claim to remember when they could hear the whistles of factories beckoning workers to their production lines and workshops. Opposite to where I live is a grand Victorian Town Hall that stands idle, a symbol of the civic decay unleashed by a short-sighted state government under the spell of global economic rationalism.

 

Fitzroy was the first place in the world (the Belvedere hotel in 1856, only eight years after Karl Marx and Frederick Engles published the Communist Manifesto in February 1848) where an eight-hour day was proposed.[7] This was through the formation of May 1 or ‘May Day’ as a ‘proletarian holiday celebration as a means to attain the eight-hour day’.[8]

 

 It is somewhat ironic that here I am, perhaps an archetype of a post-industrial worker, writing this at 2.00AM in a renovated Nineteenth Century worker’s cottage only one block from the hotel where the seeds of the movement were sown. It is also perhaps ironic that whilst writing this text I received an email from a colleague in the same suburb who informed me that he had just returned from a twenty five thousand strong protest march in Seoul where workers were trying to obtain an eight-hour, five-day working week (perhaps some of Fitzroy’s garment factories are now situated in South Korea).[9]

 

In some ways, these personal reflections evoke my understandings of Castells’ notion of post-industrial-globalisation and in particular its expression through the rise of the network society. Castells claims:

A technological revolution, centred around the information technologies, is reshaping, at accelerated pace, the material basis of society. Economies throughout the world have become globally interdependent, introducing a new form of relationship between economy, state, and society in a system of variable geometry.[10] 

For Castells, a sociologist (and perhaps even a unprofessed technological determinist), the links in this system are laterally connected between countries and cultures, whilst for Historians if we are to believe in such a thing as a ‘globally linked network society’ then the links should contain knowledge of our past.

 

A network society should not only be imagined as two-dimensional, but also three-dimensional to accommodate the various links that electronic historical scholarship is making to our past. If an Historian can be understood in the most basic terms as someone who writes history then Milkbar.com.au was written online in a ‘globally’ networked space whist making strategic technical choices about how to represent historical change. more>>


 

[1] For a longer discussion see: Colin Long “Global Restructuring and Local Urban Development”, Melbourne 1970-1998 (Unpublished PhD Thesis) University of Melbourne, School of History, 1998. Also Colin Long (ed) Private Planning, Private Cities: Melbourne Docklands, People’s Committee for Melbourne, South Yarra, 1997.( Proceedings of a forum held at RMIT on 29th November, 1996).

[2] Castells, Op.Cit. 1999 p.66.

[3] In Australia there are now only about 1 million of our 8 million workers who are employed in this sector.

[4] Craig Bellamy “It Economy” post to Fibreculture

<http://lists.myspinach.org/archives/fibreculture/2002-April/001473.html> (Accessed 3 June, 2002)

[5]For a longer discussion see Ley, Op.Cit,

[6] Ibid.

[7] Andy McInerney, “May Day, The Workers' Day, born in the struggle for the eight-hour day” originally in Liberation & Marxism, issue no. 27, Spring 1996 “

<http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/26/016.html> (Accessed 6 August, 2002).

For a comprehensive general study of Fitzroy History see: Fitzroy: Melbourne's First Suburb, Cutten History Committee of the Fitzroy Historical Society, Hyland House Publishing, Melbourne, 1989.

[8] “What are the Origins of Mayday?” Marxist.org

<http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxembur/works/1894/02.html>

First published in Polish in Sprawa Robotnicza Published: From Selected Political Writings of Rosa Luxemburg, tr. Dick Howard (NY: Monthly Review Press, 1971), pp. 315-16.

[9] Andrew Garton, “Community” Communication Online

<http://www.c2o.org/projects.html> (Accessed 6 August, 2002)

[10] Castells, Op.Cit, 1999,p1.



Authored by Craig Bellamy© 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003


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