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Abstract
Why Electronic Scholarship?
Why Globalisation?
Why Fitzroy?
 
Acknowledgments
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   


 

 

 

iii. Why Fitzroy?

The geographical area that this study focuses upon, being Fitzroy, is the archetype of a post-industrial Australian suburb. As Manual Castells, the Economic Geographer Kevin O’Connor, and a plethora of other authors argue, post-industrialism is the underlying catalyst for the present globalisation process. [1]

 

Inner city Australian communities are experiencing rapid gentrification, closing factories, rising rents and property values, and the appropriation of the working class culture that originally defined the suburbs. This is forcing out many of the long-term residents in favour of an eclectic mix of wealth distribution, lifestyles, and cultures.  

 Many claim that Australia is now being defined less and less by our historically definitive rural regions (as well as the great material and social egalitarianism of our post-war middle suburbs) and increasingly (for better or worse) by the culture of our inner cities, the fringes of our cities, and our bay-side towns. [2]

 

These changes can in part be linked to some of the major structural changes that are understood as globalisation. For instance, Fitzroy is a suburb where the factories that used to make clothes and confectionary now house the apartments of the new middle classes. [3] This is part of a larger global trend in developed countries where the majority of the workforce has shifted from the manufacturing industries into the service industries. [4]

 

Fitzroy is a suburb that has cultivated a large and vibrant artist’s community which has now been branded and appropriated as ‘lifestyle’. This is also part of a global trend where culture and meaning increasingly circulate through consumerism and the brands of large multi-nationals (or through the marketing tactics of local real estate agents).

 

Fitzroy is a suburb where ethnic diversity is both generally accepted and celebrated and for many new Australians it is their first encounter with an Australian community (although many new migrants are now moving away because of rent increases). This is also part of a global trend where the immense global economic inequalities between nations, partly because of globalisation, have placed enormous pressure on developed countries everywhere to welcome increasing amounts of migrants and refugees into their local communities.

 

 The approach that I have taken in testing and articulating some of the concerns of globalisation is somewhat self-conscious. This is because Fitzroy is the community in which I have lived for a great deal of my adult life. The reason that I chose Fitzroy for this study (rather than another community as an ‘objective’ outsider) is that I have an acute understanding of the suburb, its identity, mythologies, and change over time. Moreover, my experience of the suburb gives me contact with certain individuals that others may not have access to.

 

I do not cloak my subjectivity in this study, but rather celebrate it, reveal it, and even record it as a component of the qualitative argument that I am constructing. This ‘participant observation’ approach is well established in the social sciences, especially through, for example, classic studies such as Goffman’s 1968 research in St Elizabeth State Mental Hospital in Washington DC. Goffman spent a year in the hospital, immersing himself in the life of the wards to evoke a picture of the relationships between patients and staff. [5]

 

Accordingly, it is not as though I am unable to schematically contextualise the world outside of this study. During the period of this research, I have travelled to Thailand, India, Nepal, Japan, Vietnam, the UK, the United States, Cambodia, the Netherlands and Austria. I have been a research fellow at the University of Virginia and before this project studied at four culturally disparate universities in both Australia and the US.

 

My education and proficiency with the Internet gives me contact with larger national and international flows of ideas. This in turn has influenced the way I appreciate some of the distinctive links between the local and the global within the suburb. [6] Another researcher without this experience may have approached the subject quite differently however it would be difficult for other researchers not to discover the core mythologies and values of Fitzroy as I have presented then within this electronic form. This is because Fitzroy, unlike other Melbourne suburbs, has an acute cultural identity based on its long history of cultural and political activism.

 

 During the course of this study, I have also become involved with a globalisation activist community, joined a research concentration group, attended numerous civic protests and debates on globalisation, and engaged with a highly active internationally networked community of groups that publish about, resist and interpret globalisation. [7] Through this experience, I tend to agree with many authors on globalisation that global discourse tends to lack an appealing attachment to place. It can only be enriched by stories from more local sites of perception.

 

The best way to accomplish this is through an evocative oral history approach where individuals can be both seen and heard. They can be seen and heard talking about the cultures that they identify within the place where they live. Milkbar.com.au ‘streams’ more than twelve hours of interviews taken with forty-five people in Fitzroy (both within the local section where the interviews can be played in full or within the global section where they are indexed within the four rudimentary frameworks of globalisation). [8]

 

I chose the range of people for this study on the basis of my understandings of Fitzroy and within my understanding of globalisation. Some of the people were individuals that I already knew, whilst others were recommended by some of the suburb’s key political and community leaders. I was never more than ‘two degrees of separation’ away from the previous person thus linking my way around a suburb laid-out in the Nineteenth Century like the Nineteenth Century figure of the flâneur. [9]

 

In a traditional empirical community history, perhaps only the older residents of the suburb would have been interviewed. But with a methodology that seeks to tackle ‘the global’, a broader approach was required. The senior residents of Fitzroy may not have access to some of the contemporary cultures in the suburb against which some of the diverse juxtapositions of historical change over time can be surveyed. These juxtapositions are explored through the capacities of the new media tools that I have chosen.

 

 Fitzroy, like the broader country in which it is situated, is a suburb with many beginnings and stories of arrival. A visitor to Milkbar.com.au is able to view a number of interviews within the four discursive frameworks of globalisation and look for converging evidence and trends from a number of different perspectives. This is a methodology well established among oral Historians. The user is not led to believe that there is a simple linear method by which to advance historical knowledge or indeed understand globalisation. Globalisation is an ongoing discursive debate between various centres of power.

 

The major outcome of this study is a critically applied example of electronic scholarship which pursues this particular historical question. The gathering of the footage, the construction of the archive (within the analytical frameworks), the hypertextual linkages and the mark-up of the site must be seen as part of the study’s overall knowledge construction. I am constructing an argument about globalisation through the application of online new media technologies, within a medium that offers yet to be explored opportunities for researchers everywhere. 

 

This exegetical-thesis is divided into three chapters that elucidate Milkbar.com.au’s three major themes. Chapter One: Globalisation, describes the methodological, geographical, and theoretical positioning of the work in relation to its historical argument. Chapter Two: Humanities, describes the decisions taken in the production of this example of electronic scholarship in relation to other forms of electronic scholarship in the Humanities (especially within the field of Humanities Computing). And Chapter Three: Techne, is the reflective part of the work that subjectively assesses the opportunities and limitations of electronic scholarship from the perspective of a post-graduate student.

 

The conclusion presents some fertile directions but monumental challenges for post-graduate electronic scholarship in the Humanities based on the experience gained in undertaking this research. more>>


 

[1] See Kevin O’Connor (et.al) Australia’s Changing Economic Geography: A Society Dividing, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002. also

Naomi Klein, No Logo, Flamingo, London, 2000.

[2] The demographic realities of Australia that are in part lived within the inner cities of one of the West’s most urbanised cultures are in stark contrast to our resilient popular national identities which circulates in our popular culture. These identities insist that we are a masculine, Anglo-Saxon, and laconic people who live an idealised and relaxed lifestyle in wide-open spaces. From much of Patrick White’s writings, to Frederick McCubbin’s paintings, to Banjo Patterson’s poetry, to the movies that spectacularly broke into the US and European markets in the 1970s and 1980s, there is a resilient popular mythology of an Australia connected to the bush. The large broadcasters continue to promote this image partly because it seems, there is little economic incentive in moving beyond crocodiles in the bush. This suits dominant global views of us based on dated centre/periphery ideas of ‘civilisation’.

For a longer discussion of Australia’s changing demographic see:

Bernard Salt, The Big Shift, Hardie Grant Books, South Yarra, Victoria, 2001.

[3] For an interesting article on resistance to development in Fitzroy see:

Royce Millar, “Fitzroy gets set for a new development battle”, The Age, <http://www.theage.com.au/

articles/2002/05/31/1022569832148.html> (Accessed 1 June 2002).

Also, I use the sociological term ‘new middle class’ in the context of this study as workers involved in the knowledge economy. As a class, they have typically rejected the materialism of the post-war middle suburbs in favour of low maintenance apartments and inner city lifestyle choices. For an in-depth definition and case studies from Canada see: David Ley, The New Middle Class and the Remaking of the Central City, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1998.

[4] Castells Op.Cit. p236.

[5] Erving, Goffman, Asylums, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, Middlesex, 1968.

[6] For an interesting account of what could be termed a ‘post-industrial traveller’ see: Pico Iyer The Global Soul: Jet Lag, Shopping Malls, and the Search for Home, Bloomsbury, London, 2000.

Much of the reflexive methodological work published in cinema studies (Jean Rouch) and new media (Greg Ulmer) provide theoretically informed positions for the validity of the personal in ‘objective’ practice.

[7] In particular see:

Craig Bellamy :”How can we Understand Globalisation”

<http://globalhistory.cjb.net> (Accessed 28 August, 2002)

[8] Streaming is simply the term that is given to the process of viewing video and audio on the Internet in real time.

[9] For a definition and discussion of the flâneur see the section on Milkbar.com.au:  <http://www.milkbar.com.au/begin13.html> (Accessed 16 October, 2002)

 

 


Authored by Craig Bellamy© 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003


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